While Macon, Georgia is certainly known as the home of the Allman Brothers Band during their formative years, it is Jacksonville, Florida that is the band’s official birthplace. Over the weekend, Derek Trucks and family helped unveil a historical marker at the home where it all began on Riverside Avenue.“A lot of music started from this spot,” Derek Trucks told Action News Jax. “Everything I’ve done, that’s for sure, so it’s a significant place.”“The Gray House” became the birthplace of the Allman Brothers Band during a jam session on March 23rd, 1969—which celebrated its 50th anniversary over the weekend. As the story has been told many times, bandleader Duane Allman threatened everyone in the room that was not willing to be in his band to have to “fight your way out”.Related: Inside The First-Ever Allman Brothers Band Jam SessionCurrent homeowner Dennis Price bought the house in 1986 but didn’t learn about the Allman Brothers connection until 1999 when a journalist stopped by to write an article.“We sent Butch Trucks a picture of the front room, and he said yeah it was,” Dennis Price told Action News Jax this weekend. “Always been a fan. Then to find out they actually lived here and jammed here, it was exciting.”Price eventually turned a room in the house into an Allman Brothers memorabilia den and walked the reporter through the room where the legendary jam session took place as well as the second-story room where Gregg Allman wrote songs like “Whipping Post”.“I know my uncle would be proud and Gregg would,” Derek Trucks said about the historical marker. “I think they’d all kick themselves or pinch themselves to know that it all started there, but they knew when it happened — something significant happened.”[Video: Action News Jax]
FacebookTwitterLinkedInEmailPrint分享PVTech:As had been the case in 2018, Asia reaped the lion’s share of IRENA’s solar addition figures for 2019. The global body believes 60% of solar installs worldwide was commissioned in the continent, which went from hosting a cumulative 274GW of PV to 330GW year-on-year.For its part, the US was said by IRENA to have taken installed PV capacity from 51GW in 2018 to 60GW in 2019, mirrored by year-on-year jumps in Europe minus Turkey (119GW to 138GW), Africa (5.2GW to 6.3GW) and South America (5.2GW to 6.4GW).On a country-per-country basis, IRENA’s solar highlights also included Australia, thought by the agency to have pushed cumulative PV systems from 11.3GW in 2018 to 15.9GW in 2019. Within Asia, the highest solar growth rates concentrated around China, India, Japan, South Korea and Vietnam.IRENA’s top solar mentions extended to Europe, from the continent’s largest PV market – Germany, said to have pushed installed PV from 45GW to 48.9GW – to Spain and Ukraine, with the former nearly doubling to 8.7GW and the latter surging from 2GW to 5.9GW.Director-general La Camera said the 2019 figures show a “positive” trajectory but added that climate mitigation will require more efforts on the renewable front. “At this challenging time, we are reminded of the importance of building resilience into our economies”, he added.The calls for faster green energy growth find the world fighting against the COVID-19 crisis, which is bringing some solar projects to a halt as lockdown plans are put in place. In mid-March, La Camera said he believed the pandemic would not “interrupt nor change” the shift to a low-carbon economy.[José Rojo Martín]More: IRENA: Solar again the star as renewables score 72% of global additions in 2019 IRENA sees solar growth in Asia and renewables trends continuing
By Jeff Gerth and Joby WarrickA week before the last U.S. soldiers left his country in December 2011, Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki traveled to Washington to meet the team that would help shape Iraq’s future once the troops and tanks were gone.Over dinner at the Blair House, guest quarters for elite White House visitors since the 1940s, the dour Iraqi sipped tea while Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton spoke of how her department’s civilian experts could help Iraqis avoid a return to terrorism and sectarian bloodshed.Iraq would see a “robust civilian presence,” Clinton told reporters afterward, summing up the Obama administration’s pledges to Maliki. “We are working to achieve that,” she said.Less than three years later, the relatively calm Iraq that Maliki had led in 2011 was gone. The country’s government was in crisis, its U.S.-trained army humiliated, and a third of its territory overrun by fighters from the Islamic State. Meanwhile, State Department programs aimed at helping Iraqis prevent such an outcome had been slashed or curtailed, and some had never materialized at all.Clinton’s political foes would later seek to blame her, together with President Obama, for the Islamic State’s stunning takeover of western Iraq, saying the State Department failed to preserve fragile security gains achieved at great cost by U.S. troops. In a speech Monday on how he would deal with terrorist threats, Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump said, “The rise of ISIS is the direct result of policy decisions made by President Obama and Secretary of State Clinton.”But an intensive review of the record during Clinton’s tenure presents a broader picture of missteps and miscalculations by multiple actors — including her State Department as well as the Maliki government, the White House and Congress — that left Iraqi security forces weakened and vulnerable to the Islamic State’s 2014 surge.Documents and interviews point to ambitious plans by State Department officials to take control of dozens of military-run programs in Iraq, from training assistance for Iraqi police to new intelligence-collection outposts in Mosul and other key Iraqi cities. But the State Department scrapped or truncated many of the plans, sometimes at the behest of a skeptical Congress and other times on orders from the White House, which balked at the high costs and potential risks of U.S. civilians being killed or kidnapped. Still other efforts were thwarted by a Maliki government that viewed many of the programs as an unwelcome intrusion in Iraqi affairs.Senior State Department leaders were at fault as well, according to documents and interviews with officials who helped manage Iraqi aid programs after the withdrawal. By early 2012, pressed by the White House to reduce the U.S. civilian footprint in Iraq, the department had begun implementing sweeping, across-the-board cuts that extended to security and counterterrorism initiatives once considered crucial for Iraq’s stability after the withdrawal of U.S. troops, a joint investigation by ProPublica and The Washington Post found.Clinton, a member of the administration’s national security team at the time, argued at first in favor of many programs that the State Department eventually cut, according to current and former U.S. officials familiar with internal White House deliberations. For the Democratic presidential nominee, U.S. policy misadventures in Iraq, from the initial invasion and occupation to the disasters after the U.S. troop withdrawal, have persistently undermined Clinton’s efforts to tout her extensive record in foreign policy. Candidate Clinton has frequently pushed for more assertive engagement with Iraq’s military and tribal alliances to help repel the Islamic State, essentially arguing for an expansion of programs that were curtailed on her watch after the U.S. troop withdrawal in 2011.A State Department team that administered the cuts under White House direction eventually ended up with a $1.6 billion surplus — money initially appropriated for Iraq that was freed for use in other conflict zones, including Libya, officials and documents say.The downscaling was done over the objections of U.S. military leaders on the ground, who said the slashing of key assistance programs — in a few cases, by more than 90 percent — left the U.S. government increasingly in the dark about developments outside the Iraqi capital. Some former officers who managed Iraqi aid programs say the cuts were a factor in the slow deterioration of Iraq’s security forces in the months before the Islamic State’s 2014 assault.“Our job was to prevent this from happening,” said retired Rear Adm. Edward Winters, a former Navy SEAL and deputy director of the Office of Security Cooperation in Iraq, a Pentagon organization overseen by the State Department that managed the bilateral security relationship.“We felt the capability to do that was being taken away.”‘A Strategic Vacuum’Current and former Obama administration officials, including some who sparred with the State Department over Iraq policy, defend Clinton as one of the most vocal advocates for a muscular U.S. presence in Iraq after the withdrawal deadline. Clinton argued publicly and privately for keeping a contingent of U.S. troops in Iraq after Dec. 31, 2011, and when that effort failed, she lobbied the White House and Congress for money to fund civilian-run security programs in Iraq, her former aides said. In written memos and in meetings as part of the president’s national security team, she questioned Maliki’s ability to keep the country united and warned that instability could lead to a resurgence of al-Qaida in Iraq, or AQI, the terrorist group that later renamed itself the Islamic State, the officials said.“She was seized with this,” recalled Deputy Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken, who was national security adviser to Vice President Biden and then deputy national security adviser to President Obama during key discussions about Iraq policy. “She recognized that AQI was down but not out, and pressed the Iraqis, and us, to keep taking the fight to them.”But, in scaling back civilian assistance to Iraq, Clinton’s aides cut aggressively and sometimes unwisely, internal auditors later concluded. The reductions met cost-cutting goals but did not “fully consider U.S. foreign policy priorities in Iraq,” an internal review by the State Department’s inspector general said. Some of the cuts were not fully implemented until after Clinton’s departure in early 2013, though the plans were largely in place, former aides said. The report is silent on Clinton’s role in the reductions, or views about them.“There was a period of time after the transition from the military-led mission to a civilian-led mission when strategic decisions were not made, with one official calling the period ‘a strategic vacuum,’” the inspector general’s office said in its 2013 report, citing interviews with department officials in Washington and Iraq. It said the cuts were driven by “Congressional and White House concerns that the Department quickly reduce costs and security vulnerabilities and address [the Iraqi government’s] desire for a more normalized U.S. diplomatic presence.”Among the casualties was a U.S. Army-run Iraqi tribal reconciliation program with a record of successfully resolving disputes between Iraq’s querulous Sunni, Shiite and Kurdish factions. Animosity between Sunni tribes and Maliki’s Shiite-led government would become a key factor in the Islamic State’s takeover of Iraq’s Sunni heartland in 2014.Asked to account for such cuts, a State Department spokesman said in an email that diplomats lacked “the personnel or financial resources” to continue many of the programs begun by the Pentagon during an era when tens of thousands of U.S. troops were serving in Iraq. In any event, the result was “lost trust with the Sunni community” and the abandoning of an important window into what was really happening inside Iraq, said retired Army Col. Rick Welch, who oversaw the program before the military withdrawal,“No one from the State Department ever contacted me,” Welch said in an interview. Eventually the Baghdad-based reconciliation effort was scaled back “to a trickle,” he said, “and then nothing else happened.”‘It Was the President’s Directive’In the first weeks of his presidency, President Obama flew to Camp Lejeune, the sprawling Marine base in North Carolina, to repeat a promise made throughout his election campaign: a pledge to wind down America’s wars in the Middle East. He told the troops that “the war in Iraq will end” through a responsible drawdown of U.S. forces in Iraq by Dec. 31, 2011, the deadline set three years earlier by the George W. Bush administration.In reality, few within Obama’s own administration expected that the entire U.S. contingent would exit Iraq by that date, current and former aides say. In interviews, State Department and Pentagon officials said they were convinced that Iraq would ultimately negotiate an agreement to leave a modest contingent of U.S. soldiers — perhaps 10,000 or so — in the country to ensure stability and serve as a bulwark against a resurgence of al-Qaida in Iraq.The presence of even a small American force would have provided a substantial benefit for U.S. diplomats in Iraq after 2011, assuring that the Pentagon would continue to take the lead in U.S.-Iraqi military liaison programs while also helping with mundane but necessary functions such as security, medical care, food service and transportation on the ground and in the air.But with a deadline looming and no firm decision from the White House, the State Department began to develop plans for hiring thousands of contractors to perform the same services at higher costs. The uncertainty lingered until October 2011, when the talks collapsed just 10 weeks before the deadline for pulling all U.S. forces out of the country.Throughout this period, Clinton continued to campaign for what several aides called a “robust” mission for American diplomats in Iraq, preferably backed by a significant U.S. troop garrison. Her advocacy was recalled by numerous military and intelligence officials who participated in classified discussions on Iraq. It was also expressed publicly in news conferences and congressional testimony at the time.“She was very focused on how to apply the full weight of the U.S. government to locking down that residual troop presence,” said Jake Sullivan, the State Department’s director of policy and planning who later became the top foreign policy adviser to the Clinton campaign. As prospects for U.S. troop garrisons began to dim, Clinton “insisted on a robust contingency planning process, to leave nothing to chance on how we protected our civilian presence and how we made sure that we were supporting the outlying posts beyond Baghdad,” Sullivan said.State Department officials initially planned for taking control of more than a third of the 1,300 programs and missions run by the Pentagon in Iraq. That alone, as Clinton herself would acknowledge, constituted the “largest transition from military to civilian leadership since the Marshall Plan,” the extensive U.S. aid effort after World War II.Contingency plans created in 2010 envisioned taking over key security missions, such as the tribal reconciliation program. Another initiative called for building new diplomatic and intelligence outposts around the country to give the United States a presence in cities that once hosted American military bases. These facilities, called “Enduring Presence Posts,” or EPPs, were initially planned for five Iraqi locales: Irbil, Diyala province, Kirkuk, Basra and Mosul.State Department officials urged Congress to approve funding for the EPPs, saying the listening posts would help “mitigate ethno-sectarian conflict” while allowing the security officials to better “forecast, prevent or contain instability outside of Baghdad.”“Spotting emerging problems early is going to be critical,” Clinton’s aides wrote in a 2010 staff report to lawmakers. The report raised concerns about the department’s ability to carry out some of its new mandates without U.S. military support, but it urged congressional appropriators to put up the necessary financial backing.In Washington, both the White House and Congress viewed the plans with deepening skepticism. At a March 2011 Senate Appropriations Committee hearing, Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.) appeared to scoff at the idea of a civilian force of diplomats and contractors “trying to do business in Iraq all over the place with no troops.“That is basically a private army replacing the American military,” Graham said to Clinton. “So I’d like us to think long and hard as a nation — does that make sense?”The cost of building, equipping and securing diplomatic enclaves in Iraqi cities such as Mosul — a hotbed of Sunni terrorism in 2011 — struck senior Obama aides in the meetings as exorbitantly expensive and impractical, even more so because of Maliki’s growing antipathy toward U.S. interference in Iraq’s domestic affairs, according to current and former aides who participated in the private discussions.The loss of a U.S. troop presence meant the closing of all U.S. military installations, including dozens of Provincial Reconstruction Teams, the smaller regional units from which U.S. military and civilian workers administered aid to local towns and tribes. Unable to rely on Iraqi help, State Department officials would have to hire an army of contractors to replicate the functions and services previously provided by the Pentagon. For U.S. diplomats, a routine journey along the 40-mile highway from Baghdad to Baqubah would now be a complicated and dangerous affair in which assassination or kidnapping would be a constant threat.The decision to scale back plans for the post–2011 civilian mission was made by Biden and a faction of White House officials that included staff members of Obama’s National Security Council, who were given primary responsibility for managing relations with Iraq, according to accounts from current and former U.S. officials who participated. A team led by State Department Deputy Secretary Thomas R. Nides was put in charge of reviewing and implementing the reductions, with support from State Department officials in Washington and Baghdad. Clinton, having lost the argument for a larger force, was briefed about the developments but left it to her subordinates to decide how the cuts would be implemented, several former and current administration officials said.Biden’s office declined to comment on the reductions, though former aides said the cuts reflected the prevailing view at the White House and on Capitol Hill: that a large civilian force in Iraq would not be sustainable once U.S. troops were gone.“The president made the decisions on the military drawdown, and it was the president’s directive that we were all executing,” Nides said. “On the civilian side, the White House’s big worry was the security of our people. Once the decision was made that we weren’t going to have the authority to keep our military there — and even before it was made — we knew we not only couldn’t afford to keep growing, but we had to reduce. At one point, we had the biggest civilian footprint in the world.”Administration officials insisted that a smaller, civilian-led force could continue to provide critical support for Iraq’s transition, but the cuts were demoralizing to State Department and Pentagon officials who saw prized aid programs shrink or disappear. State Department officials tried to persuade other agencies, including the CIA, to split the costs of operating posts in Mosul and other provincial cities, but that idea withered as well.“The robust presence we envisioned did not survive,” recalled a former State Department official, speaking on the condition of anonymity to describe private White House deliberations about Iraqi policy. “Things kept getting whittled down. We’d come back from each meeting with bad news about the latest thing to get scrapped.”A Slow-motion NightmareMeanwhile, other programs intended to help Iraqis battle terrorism were facing a quiet death.On Jan. 1, 2012, the first day after the U.S. troop era officially ended, 157 American military service personnel remained in Iraq as part of the State Department-run Office of Security Cooperation in Iraq. Pentagon and State Department officials sought and won authorization to expand the number by nearly twofold, from 157 to about 300, to be backed by a supporting cast of thousands of contract workers, according to documents and former officials.Pentagon budget documents in early 2012 called the unit vital to counterterrorism efforts, facilitating the sharing of intelligence between military and civilian agencies in both the United States and Iraq. Among other missions, it provided support for Iraq’s elite terrorism-fighting unit, known as the Counter Terrorism Service.But the program began shrinking almost immediately after the troop withdrawal, former Pentagon officials remembered.“It started going away,” remembered Winters, the former deputy director.A 2013 report by the Pentagon’s inspector general said the cuts amounted to unilaterally slashing such programs to meet budget goals. The department implemented a “primarily top-down directed initiative in which cuts were made based on percentages and targets across assigned agencies without sufficient consideration of their differing missions and resources requirements,” the report said.An early casualty was direct U.S. support for Iraq’s Counter Terrorism Service. The number of embedded U.S. advisers to the elite terrorist-fighting unit dropped from more than 100 before the military withdrawal to just two, according to Winters and other former Pentagon officials who served in Iraq.Another key Pentagon program that helped the U.S. government collect and analyze intelligence about terrorist activities was scrapped. Charles Bova, who ran the program, said the scuttling of the project resulted in the loss of an important window into Iraq that could have provided Americans and Iraqis with “a better awareness of what al-Qaida in Iraq was up to.”A training facility in Kirkuk was shuttered, not only because of budget cuts but also because of resistance from Maliki’s Shiite-led government, which had begun to push back against U.S. assistance programs in predominantly Sunni and Kurdish provinces. Immediately after the U.S. troop departure, Maliki began ordering the arrests of rival Sunni politicians while replacing U.S.-trained Iraqi generals with Shiite allies personally loyal to the prime minister. Some of the same Maliki appointees would later abandon their divisions as the Islamic State began its assault on Mosul.Sunni protests against Maliki erupted in 2012 and, almost in tandem, the number of suicide bombings in Iraq started to rise. The terrorist predecessors of the Islamic State began gaining strength across Iraq, aided by the worsening sectarian tensions as well as the fighting next door in Syria, where the civil war gave jihadist leaders a cause and a safe haven in which to rebuild.“None of us thought the problem was gone — we thought we were leaving a void there,” Winters said. “We all expected that [al-Qaida in Iraq] would come back and get worse. But we didn’t think it would happen that fast.”Worried that Iraqi security was unraveling, Clinton and other senior Obama advisers quietly lobbied Iraqi leaders to accept new forms of assistance unfettered by State Department legal and budgetary constraints. Beginning in late 2011, Clinton joined then-CIA Director David H. Petraeus and other White House officials in seeking to persuade Maliki to host a joint U.S.-Iraqi “fusion cell,” consisting of intelligence experts and Special Operations forces from both countries, according to officials who participated in the talks. The White House also offered Maliki non-lethal surveillance drones to help track the movement of suspected terrorists, the officials said.The Iraqis appeared open to both ideas but made no move to implement them. The possibility of U.S.-supplied drones in Iraq was nixed by Maliki after news of the offer leaked to the media. Both programs were eventually implemented, but only after waves of Islamic State suicide bombings began to threaten security in Baghdad.“It was like one of those slow-motion nightmares,” said Blinken, the State Department official. “We were moving our own system, trying to move Congress, trying to move the Iraqis. We saw this thing coming, we were acting on it, but the problem outran the solution we were putting into place.”The budget cuts did achieve one positive, and perhaps unexpected, result: a budget surplus. By May 2012, the State Department was sitting on $1.6 billion in funds that Congress had appropriated for Iraq, but which the department no longer intended to use there. Department officials had the option of redirecting those funds, and did so, shifting some of the money to other conflict zones, including Libya, according to public documents and former officials.A large chunk of leftover cash was initially earmarked for the construction of a new diplomatic outpost in Benghazi, the restive Libyan city which Clinton had planned to visit in late 2012. That idea abruptly ended after the deadly Sept. 11, 2012, assaults on the Benghazi compounds that left four Americans dead.Prized TargetsOn June 4, 2014, the Islamic State, in a quick strike, captured Mosul. The black-flagged terrorists blew past Iraqi army defenders, aided in many cases by Sunni tribesmen who saw the jihadists as preferable to Maliki’s Shiite-led government.Whether the additional security assistance could have helped prevent the collapse of Iraq’s security services is impossible to say with certainty. Many current and former administration officials, including some who strongly favored a residual U.S. troop presence, argue that Maliki’s inept management of the military and repression of the country’s Sunni minority inalterably weakened the country and made it vulnerable to collapse. If a few hundred Americans had been stationed in Mosul in 2014, these officials say, they might have become prized targets for the terrorist army that overran the city that summer.“People have an illusion here,” said Nides, the former State Department deputy secretary. “From a practical perspective, what you actually get is 20 people with a big security footprint. Are they going to be getting in their cars and driving around talking to tribal leaders? I don’t think so.”In any case, the Islamic State’s takeover prompted a rush by the Obama administration to restore military-led security assistance programs that had been quietly curtailed after the military drawdown. Within weeks, 475 U.S. troops were sent to advise Iraqi security forces. Today, the level is more than 10 times that. The concern over tight budgets has faded as well: Congress has appropriated billions of dollars to deal with the jihadist threat.Clinton, the presidential candidate, responded to the crisis as well, putting forward a detailed plan for defeating the Islamic State. She has primarily blamed Maliki, the former Iraqi leader and her former partner during the transition, for the resurgence of the Sunni terrorists. Some of her proposed solutions have called for improving tribal liaisons and intelligence collection programs that were cut or abandoned three years earlier.“We’ve got to do a better job of getting back the Sunnis on the ground,” she told ABC News in an interview in 2015.Clinton has stressed her experience and track record in the national security arena as a key selling point on the campaign trail, echoing themes from her memoir, “Hard Choices,” which chronicled her experiences as secretary of state. The book came out a few weeks after Mosul fell to the Islamic State.The book made news upon publication because of Clinton’s admission that it was a “mistake” to have voted in 2002 to support the U.S. invasion of Iraq the following year.On the rest of what happened in Iraq during her tenure as America’s top diplomat, the 635-page book is silent.Jeff Gerth, a senior reporter at ProPublica, previously worked as an investigative reporter at The New York Times. He has twice been awarded the Pulitzer Prize.Joby Warrick covers national security and terrorism for The Washington Post. His book “Black Flags: The Rise of ISIS” was awarded the 2016 Pulitzer Prize for nonfiction.ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for their newsletter. Sign up for our COVID-19 newsletter to stay up-to-date on the latest coronavirus news throughout New York
On the international front, Clemence’s battle with Shilton for the England No 1 shirt was a cause of some frustration, with the pair rotated for more than a decade. Clemence made his debut in 1972 and won his final cap in 1983. We are deeply saddened to report the passing of legendary former goalkeeper Ray Clemence.We extend our deepest sympathies to Ray’s family and many friends throughout the game at this sad time.— Tottenham Hotspur (@SpursOfficial) November 15, 2020 We’re deeply saddened by the passing of one of the greatest-ever goalkeepers, Ray Clemence. The thoughts of everyone at Liverpool Football Club are with Ray’s family and many friends.Rest in peace, Ray Clemence 1948-2020.— Liverpool FC (@LFC) November 15, 2020 I’m absolutely devastated to be told of the sad news that @RayClem1 has just passed away we were rivals but good friends Ray was a brilliant goalkeeper with a terrific sense of humour I will miss him a great deal as we’ve kept friends long after retiring RIP my friend pic.twitter.com/KwpCbtrErC— Peter Shilton (@Peter_Shilton) November 15, 2020 His biggest disappointment was missing out on a place in the starting line-up in the 1982 World Cup, effectively as a result of Tottenham’s FA Cup final replay with QPR which prevented him featuring in two pre-tournament friendlies.He rated his save from Borussia Monchengladbach’s Uli Stielike in the 1977 European Cup final with the score at 1-1 as his most important.However, the goal he is most associated with was Scotland’s second in their 2-1 victory at Hampden Park in 1976 when Liverpool team-mate Kenny Dalglish steered it between his legs.“Gordon Banks is remembered for his save against Pele and I’m remembered for that,” he said ruefully. – Advertisement – “I remember telling my parents my big chance had just gone straight out the window,” Clemence recalled. “That summer, because I was still on only £11 a week, I took a job on the deckchairs at Skegness beach.”A few weeks later, while at his summer job, he spotted a man running towards him.“My mum had phoned the council to send someone to find me. She’d had a call from the club to say Scunthorpe had agreed a fee with Liverpool and it was up to me if I wanted to go.“My life changed at that moment, as I’m standing there stacking deckchairs.” After being rejected as a schoolboy by Notts County, he arrived at Scunthorpe as a 17-year-old in 1965 but in his fourth game as a professional let in seven against local rivals Grimsby.Nevertheless, within two years he had attracted the interest of Liverpool, a club about to embark on one of the greatest spells of success in the history of the game.His last appearance for Scunthorpe in 1967, though, saw them lose 3-0 to Doncaster, with Shankly present to see Clemence be at fault for two of the goals. The only thing he would stack up after that were trophies and accolades.After serving his apprenticeship in the Central League, he took over from Tommy Lawrence on a permanent basis during the 1969-70 season, despite being assured by Shankly when he signed that Lawrence was “over the hill and past his best”.But it was worth the wait as Clemence won every major honour in the game bar the European Cup Winners’ Cup in 665 appearances before, surprisingly, announcing at the age of 32 that he needed a new challenge to prolong his career.He moved to Tottenham in 1981 and did just that, playing for a further seven years and making 330 appearances for the north London club. Ray Clemence went from stacking deckchairs on Skegness beach to being the last line of defence in the all-conquering Liverpool team of the 1970s and early 1980s.An £18,000 signing from Scunthorpe, Clemence helped Liverpool win five First Division titles and three European Cups during 11 years as first choice at Anfield in which he remarkably missed only six league matches.- Advertisement – “I couldn’t play anywhere else. I never wanted to be a goalkeeper. The sports master nominated me to go into goal. When I went into goal, it was just natural for me to do,” said Clemence, who is survived by wife Veronica, son Stephen – a former player and now a coach – and daughters Sarah and Julie. We are extremely saddened to learn that former #ThreeLions goalkeeper and coach Ray Clemence has passed away at the age of 72.All of our thoughts are with Ray’s family, friends and former clubs at this time. pic.twitter.com/VfMLuhH8zw— England (@England) November 15, 2020 Image:Clemence moved to Tottenham in 1981 after deciding he wanted to leave Liverpool for a new challenge As well as the league titles and European Cup successes, Clemence also won an FA Cup, a League Cup, two UEFA Cups and the European Super Cup, but his contribution was much greater than the sum of his honours.And all that after having been reluctant to play in goal in the first place.Born in Skegness on August 5, 1948, a nine-year-old Clemence started as a centre-forward, but was a defender in his early teens before, one day, Lumley Secondary Modern’s school team found themselves short of a ‘keeper.- Advertisement – Image:Clemence won European Cups with Liverpool The former England international, who conceded just 16 goals in the 42-match 1978-79 season, played more than 1,100 games for Scunthorpe, Liverpool, Tottenham and the national team over a 23-year career.Clemence, who was diagnosed with prostate cancer in 2005 and also had treatment for a brain tumour, died on Sunday at the age of 72.Signed by Bill Shankly in 1967, Clemence was the greatest goalkeeper to play for Liverpool and arguably the best of his generation, despite his international competition with Peter Shilton which saw his rival win 125 caps to his 61. Image:Ray Clemence spent 17 years as part of the backroom staff with the England team – Advertisement – He helped them win the FA Cup in 1982 and the UEFA Cup two years later, although he was a spectator for their final victory over Anderlecht as stand-in Tony Parks proved Spurs’ penalty shoot-out hero.Clemence hung up his gloves for good in 1988 and joined the Tottenham coaching staff.He also had a spell in charge of Barnet before, in 1996, joining the England coaching team under Glenn Hoddle. He remained part of the backroom staff until his retirement in 2013.
A reporter asked him if the WHO could come up with something like the US government’s “Pandemic Severity Index,” which was inspired by hurricane classifications. The reporter said the public is confused because the world is in phase 5 with a “mild” virus, in the context of pandemic preparations triggered by the often-lethal H5N1 avian flu virus. “H1N1 appears to be more contagious than seasonal influenza,” the WHO said in an online statement released today. “The secondary attack rate of seasonal influenza ranges from 5% to 15%. Current estimates of the secondary attack rate of H1N1 range from 22% to 33%.” (The secondary attack rate is defined as the frequency of new cases of a disease among the contacts of known cases.) May 11, 2009 (CIDRAP News) The World Health Organization (WHO) today said the novel H1N1 influenza (swine flu) virus seems to be more contagious than seasonal flu, but it generally causes “very mild illness” in otherwise healthy people. He said that providing severity information has been “an active part of the pandemic preparedness thinking” in recent years, but he gave no details about what kind of system the WHO might come up with or when it would be unveiled. The statement also noted that the outbreaks in Mexico and the United States have affected younger people more than seasonal flu typically does: “Though cases have been confirmed in all age groups, from infants to the elderly, the youth of patients with severe or lethal infections is a striking feature of these early outbreaks.” May 11 WHO statement “In the past few weeks we’ve been asked, is this a mild event? The response is that we are not sure right now. The situation is evolving,” said Fukuda, the WHO’s assistant director-general for health security and environment. Phase 5, which the WHO declared on Apr 29, means that sustained community transmission is occurring in more than one country in one global region. Phase 6 means a full-scale pandemic, with community transmission going on in more than one region. The WHO says that has not happened yet: While countries such as Spain and the United Kingdom have dozens of cases, they have been limited to school and institutional settings and have not escaped into the wider community. But in response to questions, he said there is no specific number of cases that signals community spread. “What you’re really looking for is something that’s convincing. . . not something that’s just a quirk or an oddity,” he said. “We’re very mindful that going from phase 5 to phase 6 is a very important step and it really would be interpreted that way. I can’t tell you whether that’s 10 people or 100 people or so on.” The US Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) announced its Pandemic Severity Index in February 2007 as part of its guidance on community interventions for combating a pandemic. The index is based on case-fatality rates (CFRs), with a CFR of 2% or greater signaling the most severe pandemic: category 5. The pandemics of 1957 and 1968 qualify as category 2 events, with CFRs between 0.1% and 0.5%, HHS officials said. “Now severity is a different characteristic,” Fukuda said. The severity of an epidemic can refer to the incidence of mild, moderate, or severe illness, and it can also refer to the overall social and economic impact of an outbreak on a country, he said. Pandemic phases versus severityMuch of today’s WHO statement, titled “Assessing the severity of an influenza pandemic,” explained the numerous variables that affect the severity of a pandemic. It was released the same day that Dr. Keiji Fukuda, speaking at a press briefing, took pains to explain that the WHO’s pandemic alert phases do not describe the severity of an outbreak but refer only to how widely the disease has spread. See also: Although WHO officials have been careful not to characterize the severity of the H1N1 situation, the agency is working on a system to help provide that kind of information, Fukuda said. Defining community spreadIn other comments today, Fukuda said the criterion for “community spread” of a disease is “when you begin to see people who are getting infected and you’re just not clear where they’re getting infected from.” He added that many US cases can’t be traced anywhere, unlike the cases in school and institutional outbreaks. The agency noted that, because the virus is new, scientists expect that few people are likely to have any immunity to it. In that context, the statement that the new virus is more contagious than seasonal flu is not surprising, but it appears to be the first time the WHO has offered any specific figures comparing the contagiousness of the novel virus and seasonal flu. The WHO further stated, “With the exception of the outbreak in Mexico, which is still not fully understood, the H1N1 virus tends to cause very mild illness in otherwise healthy people. Outside Mexico, nearly all cases of illness, and all deaths, have been detected in people with underlying chronic conditions.” The WHO statement goes into more detail. It says the virulence of the virus largely determines the number of severe illnesses and deaths, but many other factors influence the overall severity, including the contagiousness of the virus, the age distribution of cases, the prevalence of chronic health problems and malnutrition in a population, viral mutations, the number of waves of illness, and the quality of health services. Fukuda replied, “WHO, with the same group of people who have been working on phases and on pandemic preparedness plans, has been working on developing a way to grade severity. We have refrained at this point as to posting whether we think it’s a mild stage or medium or severe. I think we will be trying to provide this guidance as soon as we can.” Feb 1, 2007, CIDRAP News story “HHS ties pandemic mitigation advice to severity”
36 Federal St, Red Hill“Demand continues to be strong in the inner-west from not only local buyers but a distinct new buyer trend of empty-nesters from outer suburbs wanting to make the shift closer to the city and cafe lifestyle,” Mr Mayles said.“The uptick continues with astute buyers coming from interstate, with bidders at the auction from Victoria, New South Wales and the Northern Territory. “Our successful purchaser on the weekend was a businessman from Melbourne.”The buyer was one of eight registered bidders keen on the house and 263sq m land. 36 Federal St, Red Hill sold for $788,000. Picture: realestate.com.auBRISBANE’S auction market failed to melt in the weekend’s scorching heat with the capital city recording a rise in both volume and clearance rate from the previous week.CoreLogic preliminary data shows Brisbane had a clearance rate last week of 65.7 per cent from 70 results registered, while the total number of auctions hit 129.The same time last year, Brisbane’s clearance rate sat at 48.4 per cent with a total 111 auctions.Saturday’s sale under the hammer of a renovated Red Hill cottage was a new street record.More from newsMould, age, not enough to stop 17 bidders fighting for this home2 hours agoBuyers ‘crazy’ not to take govt freebies, says 28-yr-old investor8 hours ago36 Federal St, Red HillThe three-bedroom, one-bathroom house at 36 Federal St sold for $788,000 to Melbourne buyers who secured the property as a long-term investment.McGrath Paddington sales agent Brendan Mayles said he welcomed more than 80 inspections during the four week marketing campaign.
Sharing is caring! LifestyleTravel LIAT agrees to joint efforts to promote Nevis by: – November 8, 2011 Tweet 22 Views no discussions Share Share Share Image via: caribbeantraveltrade.comCHARLESTOWN, Nevis — Premier of Nevis, Joseph Parry, met with LIAT’s chief executive officer (CEO), Brian Challenger, and other senior LIAT officials at their corporate headquarters in Antigua on Friday, according to a news release on LIAT’s website. The release said the meeting was designed to discuss joint efforts for promoting Nevis for the upcoming 2011-2012 winter tourist season.Parry, who is also minister of tourism, was on a three-day visit to Antigua, where he also met with Antigua and Barbuda’s Prime Minister Baldwin Spencer. As part of the Nevis Island Administration’s tourism development thrust, the premier, Challenger and other top LIAT officials negotiated a schedule of services between Nevis and Antigua with a view to connecting the United Kingdom traveller, utilizing the V C Bird International Airport in Antigua as a hub.“It is important that Nevis joins with a major player in Caribbean travel (LIAT), in order to promote the island destination,” Parry said.“Since LIAT has a relationship with Virgin Atlantic Airlines, travellers flying in and out of Nevis, will be able to have an agent dedicated to Nevis in Antigua to assist them with their connections,” the premier added.According to the LIAT press release, other actions agreed upon include joint marketing and promotional efforts by Nevis and LIAT at the World Travel Market (WTM) tourism exhibition which opened in London on Monday and runs through November 10.Staged annually in London, World Travel Market (WTM) is a vibrant must attend four-day business to business event, presenting a diverse range of destinations and industry sectors to UK and international travel professionals. It is the leading global event for the travel industry.Nevis is being represented by Nevis Tourism Authority marketing officer, Julie Claxton, CEO of the Nevis Tourism Authority John Hanley and headed by advisor for tourism Alistair Yearwood.The premier said his administration is sparing no effort in promoting the destination ahead of the upcoming tourism season. He also said the NIA and the senior LIAT officials agreed to meet periodically, to secure mutual benefits for both parties. Caribbean News Now
Action from Wycombe Wanderers versus Rochdale which ended 2 – 1 in favour of Wycombe “It is apparent that the club’s losses as a result of the Covid-19 outbreak may exceed £2.5m. If we are required to play games behind closed doors, whether to try to complete the season or in play-offs, these costs will go up. “Going forward, these furloughed employees will receive 80 per cent of their salary with a maximum payment of £2,500 per month. We are also recommending that they begin the search for alternative employment once furlough ends.” Read FIFA 20: Mexican brothers cover 5,500-mile to watch Akinfenwa Wycombe’s fate on the pitch this season remains up in the air as League One clubs have still yet to vote on whether to end the season, with a decision not likely to come for another week. Akinfenwa who got a fresh one year contract in June 2019 has scored 46 goals in 152 appearances for Wycombe since 2016. FacebookTwitterWhatsAppEmail分享 Loading… Effect of the Covid-19 pandemic continues to dig deep into more clubs as league one side Wycombe has told its non-playing staff to look for new jobs. Wycombe which has Nigeria born Adebayo Akinfenwa in their striking force revealed they are close to losing £2.5m no thanks to the Pandemic. The development has also cut short defender Jason McCarthy’s loan spell from Millwall as the club can no longer afford to pay. At the start of the year before the pandemic hit, Wycombe were sitting top of the league and were mounting a serious push to the Championship – a league they have not reached in their entire 133-year existence – but their form tailed off and they dropped to eighth when the league froze in March. Chairman Rob Couhig, who bought the club in October 2019, said on the team’s official website: “The club has essentially been without revenue since the beginning of March. Our loss of revenue even with the utilisation of the furlough plan has exceeded £1m through the end of May.Advertisement Promoted ContentSuperhero Castings That People Hated But Were AmazingBoys Deserve More Than Action-Hero Role ModelsA Soviet Shot Put Thrower’s Record Hasn’t Been Beaten To This DayThe Very Last Bitcoin Will Be Mined Around 2140. Read MoreWho Earns More Than Ronaldo?World’s Most Delicious FoodsTop 7 Best Car Manufacturers Of All TimeThe Most Exciting Cities In The World To VisitWhich Country Is The Most Romantic In The World?6 Incredibly Strange Facts About Hurricanes2020 Tattoo Trends: Here’s What You’ll See This YearBirds Enjoy Living In A Gallery Space Created For Them
The 22-year-old England international and his Rangers colleagues were outclassed as they slipped to a 4-0 defeat at Tottenham on Sunday and now sit at the bottom of the Barclays Premier League table. A Nacer Chadli brace and a second goal in as many games for Eric Dier had Spurs in control of the game before half-time, with Emmanuel Adebayor adding a fourth in the second half. Former Tottenham defender Caulker, playing in a back three alongside Rio Ferdinand and Richard Dunne, admitted the display was not good enough and believes things can only get better for Harry Redknapp’s side. “It was a bitterly disappointing performance and the result proved that,” he said. “We were second to everything all over the pitch and we paid the price. We got off to a sloppy start and they got the goal and a bit of momentum. “We know we have got to be better than that this year. We hope that will be the lowest point of the season. It was a poor, poor showing and there are no excuses. “There is no hiding and we definitely have to go and be better against Sunderland at home. We have personal pride and it was not evident, we were weak all over the pitch. “If we are going to stay in this league we are going to have to be a little bit stronger and more passionate at times.” Redknapp, returning to White Hart Lane for the first time since he was sacked as Spurs boss in 2012, handed debuts to both Mauricio Isla and Leroy Fer – with the latter conceding his new side did not deserve anything from the game. “We didn’t play to our abilities,” the former Norwich midfielder said. Press Association Steven Caulker has called on his QPR team-mates to show more passion after what he hopes will be the lowest day in the club’s season. “We have a strong team and what we showed was not the best. The goals in the first half were too easy. We had to fight and we didn’t – it was a shock. “We have to look forward to Wednesday (the Capital One Cup tie against Burton) and stick together. We have a great squad. Today wasn’t a good game for me but I want to show more on Wednesday.” For all of QPR’s problems, Tottenham looked like they were adapting to the philosophy of new head coach Mauricio Pochettino with ease. Having laboured to a 1-0 win at West Ham on the opening day, Spurs played some fluid, attacking football in the Argentinian’s first competitive home game in charge. Erik Lamela and Christian Eriksen shone alongside goalscorers Adebayor and Chadli, with the Belgium international pleased to entertain the fans. “That’s what everyone wants to see when they watch Tottenham,” Chadli said of Sunday’s performance. “We did very well and I’m very happy to score two goals. It is good when we create a lot of chances and it was a good spectacle for the fans. “We started with high pressure, had a lot of the ball and created lots of chances. At half-time we had a conversation, we wanted to score more goals and we started the second half strong as well.”
It is a rematch of a contest Sakkari won less than two weeks ago at the Western & Southern Open, a hard-court tournament played this year at Flushing Meadows.Williams owns six U.S. Open titles and 23 Grand Slam singles championships in all. Sakkari, a 25-year-old from Greece, is trying to reach her first Grand Slam quarterfinal.The winner will face Alize Cornet or Tsvetana Pironkova next.___ September 7, 2020 Share This StoryFacebookTwitteremailPrintLinkedinRedditNEW YORK (AP) — The Latest on the U.S. Open tennis tournament (all times EDT):1:35 p.m.Alex de Minaur has moved into his first Grand Slam quarterfinal by beating Vasek Pospisil 7-6 (6), 6-3, 6-2 at the U.S. Open. The Latest: Australia’s de Minaur in 1st Slam QF at US Open More AP tennis: https://apnews.com/apf-Tennis and https://twitter.com/AP_Sports 12:50 p.m.Serena Williams has taken the first set of her U.S. Open fourth-round match against Maria Sakkari by a 6-3 score. ___12:05 p.m.Serena Williams and Maria Sakkari are on court in Arthur Ashe Stadium to warm up for their fourth-round meeting at the U.S. Open. Associated Press The key to the match in Louis Armstrong Stadium on Monday was the opening-set tiebreaker. Pospisil held four set points at 6-2 but failed to convert any. De Minaur took a half-dozen points in a row to take the set and was in control from there.He is a 21-year-old from Australia who is seeded 21st at Flushing Meadows.In the quarterfinals, de Minaur will face No. 2 seed Dominic Thiem or No. 15 Felix Auger-Aliassime.___